European Collective Identity

europiuman journal of affectionate system http//est. sagepub. com/ A Theory of incarnate personal mortality operator operator Making adept of the Debate on a atomic number 63an identicalness Klaus Eder europiuman journal of accessible Theory 2009 12 427 DOI 10. 1177/1368431009345050 The online version of this article jack faeces be found at http//est. sagepub. com/ abducttent/12/4/427 Published by http//www. sagepublications. com Additional services and in gradeation for europiuman ledger of t land uper Theory fuck be found at Email Alerts http//est. sagepub. com/cgi/alertsSubscriptions http//est. sagepub. com/subscriptions Reprints http//www. sagepub. com/journalsReprints. nav Permissions http//www. sagepub. com/journalsPermissions. nav Citations http//est. sagepub. com/ playtent/12/4/427. refs. html Version of Record Nov 10, 2009 What is This? Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at salvia Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 europiuman Journal of amicable Theory 12(4) 427447 Copyright 2009 perspicacious Publications Los Angeles, London, brisk Delhi, Singapore and Washington DCA Theory of Collective Identity Making thought of the Debate on a atomic number 63an Identity Klaus Eder H U M B O L D T U N I V E R S I T Y, B E R L I N Abstr recreate This article argues for a robust spirit of bo crumpled identicalness operator which is non reduced to a psychological defraudceptionion of individuation. In the ? rst part, the disceptation on the inpatientcept of personal individuality raised by several authors is pushn up critic eithery with the intention of defending a satisfying sociological conception of individualism which by de? nition is a incarnate identicalness element.The basic self-reliance is that corporal identities be memorial looks which permit the control of the skirtaries of a net income of actors. This guess is then applied to the case of atomic number 63, showing how individuality markers argon ch aracter to control the boundaries of a vernacular distance of talk. These markers be bound to stories which those within much(prenominal) a dummy of communication sh atomic number 18. Stories that hold in their yarn coordinates amicable transaction leave alone regorges of control. guinea pig identities be found on strong and exclusive stories.atomic number 63anization (among new(prenominal) par each(prenominal)(prenominal)el cognitive operationes at the spherical level) opens this topographic assign of boundary shapeions and renders opportunities for landal as nearly as sub field as well as trans issue stories competing with each other to shape europiuman individuality visualizes. The EU this is the possibleness provides a case in which oppo come in come outs offer competing opportunities to continue old stories, to start impudently stories or to aftermath old stories from other sites, thus creating a taradiddle communicate on top of the profit of brotherly dealing that bind the great deal in atomic number 63 together.atomic number 63an personal individualism is thitherfore to be conceived as a narrative engagement embedded in an emerging intercommunicate of amicable traffic among the slew living in Europe. Key words joint identity European identity narrative analysis nedeucerk analysis sociological guess www. sagepublications. com DOI 10. 1177/1368431009345050 Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 428 European Journal of kindly Theory 12(4) Identity A Contested Concept Collective identity has been at the vegetable marrow of attention in societies that were diversityed in the feast of the make of the nation-state.The nation, however, has not been an exclusive focus. Collective identity com temper equ tout ensembley occupy to cities, to regions, or to groups much(prenominal) as policy-making parties or even well-disposed movements. For round time, embodied identity has as well been an make do with run crossways to Europe where public argue is increasely concerned with the paradox of a European identity that is seen as lacking or as necessity. exclusively why do societies, groups and even a union of nationstates much(prenominal) as the EU fate an identity? For a person, an identity tout ensembleows them to be recognized as nearlything exceptional vis-a-vis others. notwithstanding why do groups, up to the nation and even inter internal phenomena much(prenominal)(prenominal) as the EU, look at an identity? The wrinkle in the pursuance is that the differention surrounded by the identity of persons and the identity of groups and societies is an experimental unmatchable(a). Persons and societies ar cases of identities. Persons sustain an identity by positioning themselves congenator to other persons and by giving to these relatives a essence that is ? xed in time. An identity guarantees beingness a person in the ? ux of time.The same(p) holds for groups a group has an identity if it succeeds in de? ning itself vis-a-vis other groups by attri entirelying message to itself that is stable over time. Identity as an analytical concept covers all these cases identity come outs by standoffing past brotherly dealings with those in the endow. In approximately cases, even proximo accessible traffic atomic number 18 implicate in this case, identity is conjugate to subjects of salvation or fate that include early sociable relations in our present initiation. All these body grammatical grammatical constructions pop within a speci? type of genial relations in the present and allow an interruption of the ageless change of amicable relations, thus creating an identity in which persons, groups or societies dismiss see themselves and be seen by others as being identical over time. E reallyday common experience in our edict uses the concept of identity in a incompatible stylus it sees identity is something that a person or a group has. setback to this common instinct, sociological scent out sees the person or the group as a peculiar(prenominal) case of identity that has emerged in a passing particular type of affable relations persons be transformed into individuals in kindly relations which be de? ed as relations mingled with free and equal mint. This is the temperrnist form of genial relations of transforming persons into something that has an identity, i. e. individuals. This modernist form of cordial relations also transforms groups into something that has a bodied identity, i. e. into nations. In the historical move from subjects to individuals and from kingdoms to nations, we can ob dole out a shift in the construction of identity. Identity is reconstructed since it refers to a contrary type of fond relations.In much(prenominal) mixer relations, identity gets a particular preoccupation of individuals or nations, as the persiste nt work on identity repair and identity con? rmation shows. As an analytical concept, identity denotes something that holds across all these cases, providing stable heart in the ? ux of brotherly relations. Since identity in this sociological usage refers to social relations, any kind of identity is by de? nition social. Individuals and nations in the society we tolerate in symbolise the two Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012Eder A Theory of Collective Identity poles of identity constructions. 1 In- surrounded by, we shell out a leak a series of social forms such as couples, families, associations, classes, regions, or ethnic groups which can be seen as intermediate cases of identity. The two poles of identity constructions argon not ? xed, since changing social relations might produce forms of identity beyond the nation, an shorten that is at the core of the arguing of European identity and that makes this debate theory-basedly i mportant. 2 In the following, a speculatively robust image of bodied identity ordain e presented. This task is carried out in the next section in a critique of the critical statements on the concept of collective identity that founder arisen in the past decade. It consists of recuperating it from the fragments of the deconstructionism of this concept in new-fangled theorizing. The constructive literary argument in this recuperation effort is ground on two pre summationptuousnesss. The ? rst is that that processes of identity construction quit with the complexity of social relations. The hour assumption is that processes of identity construction throw away a narrative twist.These two theoretical moves then swear out to reassess the on passing play debate on the identity of Europeans or of a European identity which preoccupies elites, sometimes populate and which keeps active a sort of signi? cant part of the public debate and to a greater extent and more scienti? c debate on Europe. In an oft-cited paper, Brubaker and Cooper (Brubaker and Cooper, 2000) made a strong attack on the concept of identity in the social sciences following this lead. They make triple strong arguments. Their ? rst chiding has been that reputed authors victimisation the term do not really need it. They use identity nevertheless as the marker of an intention (to be ethnicly sensitive). Identity is not link to the social analysis that has been presented elsewhere in their work. A second criticism of Brubaker and Cooper is that the purpose of collective identity necessarily implies some judgment of primordialism. Assuming that collective identity denotes something beyond sh ard cherish or norms, then there must be something more substantial than this to give up its use. The constructivist position startle with a non-essentialist position ends up in essentialist notions of collective identity.Constructivism produces outcomes that contradict its basic premises o f ? uidity and multiplicity. A ternary criticism is that we already assume a groupist social ontology which forecloses the analytical grip of the innovation of patterns of non-groupist social forms we exclude by de? nition the possibility of non-groupist social life, the possibility of living social relations without claiming an identity. Yet the solutions which Brubaker and Cooper offer do not pick the fusss addressed by them. The ? rst argument forces us to specify the added value of using the notion of collective identity as an analytical category.This is an obvious postulate. unconditional ornamenting or fashionable category-dropping should be avoided. We should either propose a unmitigated sociological notion or leave the concept to psychologists who interpret identity as a phenomenon of the homophile mind. My design is that we can make a strong sociological concept out of it as immense as we do not confuse it with psychological notions. The second argument that some s ubstantialism is implicit in constructivist accounts of collective identity implies that substantialism is in some comprehend bad. Downloaded from est. sagepub. om at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 429 430 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) The implicit rejoinder of Brubaker et al. is that we should assume a world in which the social no longer necessitate an overarching naturalizing symbolism. However, there argon social situations in which primordialism does pop up. thence, the theoretical answer should be to light upon situations in which constructions of collective identity vary amongst primordialism and arti? cialism. The third argument against the groupist ontology raises the issue of the mechanism through which social actors get in touch to each other.Collective identities ar, the argument says, groupist ontologies which in fact they are. They are symbolic forms through which a world of social relations is mirrored. These ontologies represent and buil d a structure and are the force of social processes that can be reconstructed. Doing a instruction with such ontologies is missing the target of a theory of collective identities. Groupist ontologies become the more important, the more social interaction is mediated by heathenish techniques that take a crap sociality without the presence of the other. such forms of confirmatory sociality need a social rationalization that invokes the social. accordingly, we have to assume that there is something that they have in common beyond the co-presence of the others. The theoretical assumption that follows is that the thinker of collective identity emerges when ethnic techniques (such as bureaucratic formula, written texts, calculator interfaces) serve as interrupts of social interaction and come back indirect social interaction. To act beyond natural adheres, i. e. through cultural techniques, means to generate an creepion of social experience.The argument then is that there is an increasing need for such collective identities in complex societies when indirect social relations increase in number. To fo recumball the macro-theoretical argument The more a human society is differentiated, the more it needs a collective identity. The central hypothesis that derives from this assumption is that collective identities vary with the structure of the system of indirect social relations. The theory does not assume that collective identity is unitary, coherent. This is only hotshot way of organizing the social bind among people.Collective identity can also be fuzzy, aggregate. It is the variation of identities which contends explanation. The theory proposed explains this variation as being contingent on the structure of social relations among people. In other words, the internet structure linking a people shapes the construction of the identity of that cyberspace which then is used to reproduce this network structure. 4 Thus, collective identity constructions are a central building jam of social relations. Therefore, we should not give up the concept of collective identity, save make better use of it.Collective Identity Construction as Projects of Control Adding Narrative Structure to Evolutionary suffice The functionalist argument implicit in evolutionary theory signalises us that it is necessary to create bandages which oblige people to pay taxes, to send their kids to schools, or to die for their country. On a more abstract level, it says that I accept that things are done to me by others which I accept only by those with whom I Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity have a special social relation, a sense of some residential area.This common factor obliges people to accept the social norms imposed upon them. 5 The argument that collective identities are collective rationalizations of social relations points to the trans-psychological piece of collectiv e identities. The link mingled with identity and reality is to be constructed self-sufficient of psychological assumptions nigh human needs or motivations for collective identity. The psychological grounding may even turn out to be a variable that varies with the form of collective identities. This happens when groups turn toward outside fictional characters for a collective identity.As Pierre Nora argues Moins la memoire est vecu de linterieur, plus elle a besoin de supports exterieurs et de reperes tangibles dune existence qui ne vit plus qua travers eux (Nora, 1984 xxv). Collective identities are social constructions which use psychological needs and motives to provide an answer to the questions who do I kick the bucket to? or who do we belong to? Collective identities make use of such psychic fictional characters in speci? c social cons insureations. This happens regularly in social relations bound to concrete social interaction.It also happens in social relations that t ransgress the realm of social interaction such as constructions of subject field identity and produce situations of effervescence collective, as Durkheim expound it. The more indirect social relations are, the more important become social carriers such as texts or songs or buildings which store collective identities. To the extent that collective identities are linked primarily to individuals in concrete interaction situations, wound up ties such as the sense of pride and outrage become important mechanisms for reproducing collective identities.To the extent that collective identities are linked to objects as their carriers, these objects become carriers of commonplaceized emotions that are built into the object, into images or texts. Such generalized emotions are embodied in what can be called narratives. This argument thus takes seriously the emotional aspect of identity constructions. There is something in the social relations that goes beyond the sense of shared interests a nd interchangeable solidarity. But this does not imply a return to a psychological notion of a sense of identity or of identi? cation. It rather leads us to theorize social relations in terms of hared meanings, i. e. narratives that people share in spades with each other. This sense of narrative sharing has to do with the sense of being part of a particular we. This can be called the narrative bond that emerges in some social relations (but not in all of our social relations). Thus, a collective identity is a metaphor for a speci? c type of social relations that are embedded in the closing curtain instance in a narrative network that is as dynamic as the stories are that are produced and reproduced in ongoing social communication mediated by these social relations (Eder, 2007). Collective identities are study as narrative networks that emerge in evolutionary processes the agency of development of such networks is prescribed by the structure of the narratives at play. The propos ed theory argues that in complex societies, strong collective identities testament emerge and that the narratives people share to conk out in this complex world allow continue the basic building blocks of identities. The discrimination from the traditional world is that everybody lives through and with an increasing number of narratives that mediate social relations. ThisDownloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 431 432 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) also increases the contingency of the developmental means prescribed by narrative networks. National identity constructions are the last instance of a collective identity with a out-of-doors runway prescription, the making of nation-states. National identities do what collective identities do in general they are stories that combine a series of events in texts, songs and images which some people recognize as being part of their particular we, i. . as a collective identity. In addition , national identity constructions have succeeded in courtly themselves as a hegemonic identity in a territorially bound governmental comm concord. This exclusiveness is built into a twaddle which links people de? ned as citizens of a governmental comm consent. This report is transmitted to and learned by new generations, practised in national rituals and objecti? ed in songs (anthems) and images (? ags). Counter-stories exist in those political communities in which two hegemonic stories compete (such as Belgium or Canada).Yet even in these cases, the two stories are often aligned in one national novel, told in different languages. This national solution is increasingly oppose. Narratives appear which tell different stories nigh who we are. The problem is the co-existence of many an(prenominal) hegemonic stories. This creates not only a practical problem but also a theoretical problem How to conceive the narrative network underlying a political community in a situation wher e we have many narratives ? oating around and referring to it? The case in point is Europe. 7 Making finger of a European identityFrom Identi? cation with Europe to European Identity Constructions query on collective identity construction in Europe is rule by some variants of the social identity look-a want. Social identity theory claims that identi? cations have group-speci? c effects in terms of distance and proximity. This paradigm is useful because it allows us to use existing survey data which assess the degree to which people start to be proud of their institutions (at least to swear them) and identify with Europe (conceived in political or cultural terms) (Kohli, 2000).Another way is to emphasize symbols of state power, such as a ? ag, a hymn, a representative building, or the memory of a prosperous political act such as the act of uni? cation which can be represented in a ? ag (with 15 stars) which are made the object of cognition or identi? cation with Europe. Taking such indicators at face value requires assuming that strong identi? cations and good knowledge imply strong identities. 8 But it is a long way from identi? cations to identities and there is no necessary agreement amidst strong identi? cations and strong identities.A collective identity is different from what is calculated when we look at the degree of identi? cation with a prede? ned set of symbols. Such enquiry tells us just to the highest degree the feedback effect on the individual level in the process of collective identity construction. It tells us nothing about the Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity mechanisms of identity construction that might provoke such feedback effects. Such re appear does not make theoretical sense of collective identity construction in Europe. 9The substantive result of the research on identi? cation with symbolic representations of European political institutions i s that they continuously show a weak sense of belonging with regard to Europe, much less than exists in the nationstate. The political community as a legal lay with rights and duties does not provoke identi? cation, which means that they lack meaning beyond national nuance. 10 Since the basis of strong identi? cation with political symbols is unfree upon the enculturation within which they make sense, research has turned to cultural symbols in order to ? d something that is worth identifying with in Europe. This search was guided by the theoretical expectation that what makes national symbols worthy of identi? cation also holds for European symbols. or so people looked for this meaning in some kind of republican opinion of Europe. Others were searching for it in some kind of cultural idea of Europe. interestingly enough, this debate reproduces the classic debate on the making of a nation over a republican conception of the nation and a cultural conception of the nation (Brubak er, 1992 Giesen, 2001).While searching for a European identity in terms of identi? cation with Europe, the space of communication in the EU expands. Something is happening that does not show up in the surveys. The problem is therefore to ? gure out how this expanding space is ? lled with new symbols that provide a sense of the limitations of that space. This sense of limitation is not necessarily linked to the symbolic representations of the European political institutions or of a particular European culture. 11 This sense is rather emerging in the bloodline of constructing increasingly dense networks of social elations in Europe that need a collective identity as a project of their control. The plan is to look not at political or cultural symbols but at stories that emerge in the making of a network of social relations among those living in Europe. There are at least three ways of congress such stories in Europe which are not reducible to the national tool-kit for constructing collective identities. There is a horizontal surface based on a lucky process of uni? cation, i. e. the tier of the European integration process as a successful economic and political project, which is the basis of a European citizenship narrative.This is the yarn of the making of a rich, hitherto socially responsible continent, the tier of an economic yet social Europe. There is another narration that emerges from the memory of a murderous past of Europe. The space of communication based on shared memory is a possible source of strong feelings. Stories telling a shared past constitute boundaries with high emotional value. There is ? nally a taradiddle that relates to Europe as an experiment in intercrossed collective identities, not as a melting pot, but as a diversity pot, which is a business relationship in the making.The three stories, the base of a successful common foodstuff as a citizenship narrative, the cultural base of a shared past and the story of a new soc ial bond of diversity emerging in Europe might produce con unorthodox feedback effects in the mind of Europeans but to do so they ? rst have to have emerged as stories. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 433 434 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) What binds Europeans into a network of social relations at the European level does not show up in found research.It only provides some indications of individual resonance to what is asked in the questionnaires which themselves rely on the cast of the old European nation-states. Collective identity remains isolated in the black box of aggregated individual responses. Their answers are like remote effects of processes working behind the backs of these individuals. To excavate more consistently the symbolic forms in which emerging identi? cations with Europe make sense and uprise is the task ahead. From normative Claims to the Analytical Description ofCollective Identities in Europe A secon d strand of research on a European identity which is based on a normative approach does not number any better than the socio-psychological approach. The basic argument is that a democratic Europe needs a people conscious of itself as a people. This argument has been formulated as the demos-problem. A demos is the constituent of a democratic ordinance (the people), and as such it needs a collective identity that goes beyond the idea of a people as just a bunch of private interests.Democracy in Europe needs a people with an idea about themselves that links them beyond private egoistic interests. ideally the bond should be so strong that it accepts redistributive measures by political institutions. This bond could even be conceived as something that motivates people to die for the political community they live in. 12 To die for a symbolic bond is obviously a mode of sharing which mobilizes the strongest possible emotions. With such a normative standard in mind, collective identitie s are classi? ble as varying betwixt the poles of being weak and being strong in terms of emotional attachment to a good thing. We could translate this normative argument into the conceptual framework of the theory proposed above and provide a sociological sort of of a normative argument. Arguing that European collective identity is so furthest a weak identity barely says that the story of the common market does not suf? ce to control the boundaries of a space of communication linking free and equal individuals into a political community.It is argued that Europe needs a different story than that of exchanging goods through the medium of money (i. e. the Euro). Euro coins provide a story for delimiting a common symbolic space which involves people in their being rational individuals seeking their own advantages. It needs more, a story which tells people that they are citizens of a political community. And maybe it even needs a still stronger identity since it must generate a sens e of a particular responsibility and recognition of the other European itizens which goes beyond recognizing them as co-citizens. This argument, however, has always troubled normative democratic theory since it produces a besides problem that is hard to tackle within classic political theory that those following universalizable rules for each other need a special sense to connect to some (those who are members of community) and less to others (those who are not members of the political community). This special sense is no longer based on universalistic arguments, but on narrative images. Downloaded from est. agepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity The normative debate helped to mark the idea of a common market as a mode of living together it gave power to political institutions which started to engage in breeding and making a European identity. What this identity ? nally implies remained rather imprecise beyond the acceptance o f political institutions, this debate produced more dissent than consensus on what a European identity should look like. The debate therefore remains inconclusive.Rather than fetching this debate as an explanation of identity construction, it can be taken as a series of events in the process of identity constructions that is going on within and outside these normative debates which are used to construct a particular narrative as a special (even chosen) people. Normative arguments are a part of narratives they are embedded in narrative clauses that convey meaning to argumentative debates (Eder, in press). Normative debates are therefore an important part of the process of identity construction, part of an ongoing story that is produced in arguing about Europe.The Reference Object of a European Collective Identity Making theoretical sense of collective identities that have emerged and are continuing to crystallize in the course of European integration is a sociological programme dire cted at and against socio-psychological and normative approaches to European identity. Sociological approaches tell us whether, how and to what extent identity markers emerge in social processes that are situated in time and space. Normative dissertates on collective identity are part of collective identities, explicit justi? ations of the boundaries of a network of social relations. Normative conceptions of a European identity are therefore part of the phenomenon that needs an explanation. The same holds for social-psychological approaches. To ? nd another commencement point to analyze ongoing processes of identity construction in Europe is to take Europe as an empty signi? er. It could mean anything ranging from the identi? cation with a culture to a geographical unity ranging from the Atlantic to the Urals or to a unity that coincides with the legal realm of the European jointure or to a unity that is de? ed by membership in the Council of Europe. We could take such ideas as p roxies for a Europe to be taken as a reference object of collective identity. Thus we could talk about a cultural Europe, a geographical Europe, a Europe of Human Rights, and a political Europe. Thus Europe is decomposed into a series of Europes (in the plural) speci? ed by an adjective. Nevertheless, the problem of the construction of the thing to which a European identity refers remains. Collective identities refer to a space of communication, the boundaries of which vary with what is communicated.This is an implication of the theoretical assumption that collective identities are constructed through stories. Stories that link people vary with the communicative network which they constitute. Thus, the reference object of collective identities is a network of communication with boundaries which are identi? ed and controlled by an identity. Networks of communication generate identities as a project of control of their boundaries (White, 1992). Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sag e Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 435 436 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4)The boundaries of Europe could be de? ned following the national theoretical account by political boundaries. In that case the legally de? ned space of the European Union is the referent for a collective identity. Legal de? nitions are grounded in stories that link people in that space in a particular way, principally as citizens in that network. This network develops social relations as connections between citizens that can vary from dense to loose relationships. The trend is so remote toward increasing density, measured by the increasing number of legal regulations that dig in upon the life of European citizens.This legal de? nition of a network of social relations corresponds to attempts to de? ne a political control project linking the citizens in a political identity and thus controlling the boundaries of a legal space. This very speci? c condition (legal rules as based on stories that bin d) generates political identities as a project of control of the boundaries of the European political community. The story of this project is the European citizenship story which competes necessarily with the national citizenship story.National citizenship is the result of a long process of historical concept formation in which national identity emerged, integrating social and cultural differences under a new concept citizenship (Somers, 1995). This same concept is now used to make a European identity inventing the European citizen as the narrative core of a European identity. 13 To indicate the difference, some adjectives have been used to mark the difference of European and national identity such as the idea of global citizenship.Yet there is no way to avoid national citizenship stories from adopting cosmopolitanism as one of their elements. Cosmopolitanism ? ts just as well into the story of national as well as European citizenship. This story, since its beginning, has exclusive ly been tied to nationally de? ned networks of social actors. Thus there is an inherent dif? culty with constructions of a collective identity based on the citizenship story. This citizenship story is enriched by reference to the Common Market and to a Social Europe.Both are connected like two sides of the one coin and their combination often serves as a possible particularity of Europe that distinguishes it from the rest of the world. This object is integrated into the European citizenship story the story of a successful process of European integration which transformed foes into friends, which transformed war into wealthiness and freedom (i. e. , the four freedoms). It is further supported by de? ning the role of this EUEurope in the outer world, i. e. to de? ne Europe as an actor with a go by role in the world. 14A second reference object is European culture, in general de? ned as its traditions. The substance of this European culture is itself contested. Europe is rather a b attle? eld of cultural images that confronts the cultural traditions that have shaped Europe. This is the particular cultural heritage of Europe. It ? nds it in its values which are opposed to the values cherished in other cultures. These Others are, however, shifting objects the non-European world is projected on some particular Others, sometimes on the East, sometimes on the Orient, sometimes on America.Distinguishing a European culture from such Others is a strategy for the foundation of a story about a European Self, i. e. a collective identity. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity The dif? culties with such a reference object which is taken as unique, clear and well-bounded lead to a third reference object based on the assumption that a European Self has never existed.Europe has many different cultures that have co-existed for centuries this refers not only to the different national cultures that come together in Europe it also refers to the Arab and Jewish and other Eastern cultures that have had and still have a strong impact on what we consider to be part of Europe, which are equally inside and outside of a European culture. And, ? nally, Europe has added the cultures of the Others in the course of migration movements over past decades which again cannot be assimilated without having an impact on Europes culture.Thus, reducing the reference object of a European culture to its values or cultural heritage is a simpli? cation which does not take into account the contradictory cultural orientations and the contestations about their Europeanness in current Europe. What kind of story can be told about this diversity of a European culture? We can imagine a story about the many cultures and the forms in which they have encountered each other and shaped the course of cultural change in Europe.There are stories in Europe, in gray Europe, stories about the co-existence of Arab and Nor man culture, of Jewish and Christian culture, of Mongols and gypsies in Europe. These stories often tell terrible tales which does not mean that the end of the story is hell. Thus it seems to be an open story, which can be continued and which is fostered in a Europe where these different cultures again clash yet under different conditions from the past. Which collective identity is mobilized depends on the story that is chosen to identify the boundaries of a network of social relations that bind Europeans, i. . those living in Europe and ? ghting for its cultural orientation, to each other. The three basic stories, the story of a common market and a Social Europe embedded in the story of a European citizenship, the story of a unique European culture, and the story of a loan-blend Europe are incompatible. They will not coincide in terms of constructing a clear boundary rather, they construct different boundaries. They tell about different Europes (in the plural). Thus, European iden tity emerges as something with varying boundaries, depending upon which story we tell.Whether there is an overall story connecting these stories and transforming them into one European story depends upon a series of restrictive conditions. According to the theoretical model presented above, this has to do, ? rst, with the evolution of networks of social relations in Europe, and then with the morphological properties of these different stories which determine their narrative connectivity. The question could be answered in the positive to the extent that Europe develops social relations in which the economic, legal and cultural boundaries coincide, as was the case in national societies. 5 Such homogeneity of the economic, cultural and the political belongings is not given in the European context. Europe is characterized by the non-coincidence of these different boundaries. Taking Europe as a unique culture disembedded from its political institutional framework goes beyond the nation al model yet keeps the assumption of a homogeneous culture. Taking Europe as a crossing form of social relations gives up even the assumption of clear cultural boundaries of a Europe in search of its identity. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 437 438 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4)Looking at European identity as a project of control of a European society, the assumption resulting from the evolutionary part of the theory presented above is that in a European society being more than any other society in need of a collective identity, we have to expect sudden patterns of constructing a collective identity in the context of culturally non-congruent multiple networks of social relations. Whether there will be a story of the three stories thus becomes a new issue for research. The ? rst observation is that the multiplicity of networks of social relations evolving in Europe allows more stories to ? w within these networks. Since such s ystems are composed of loosely coupled partial networks, the narrative intermediation of the loose coupling of a diversity of networks of social relations becomes the central problem of these networks of social relations. Since coupling is as the theory claims mediated by narrative meaning, the issue of how stories can link such networks of social relations and generate an identity of these networks is the key problem. Since social relations in such systems are held together by a multiplicity of stories, the solution of one hegemonic story no longer works.Europe is confronted with coordinating at least three hegemonic stories. In the following, these three model stories for constructing a collective identity for Europe are discussed more systematically. The idea is to distinguish three formal network structures of social relations on which projects of de? ning an identity for Europe are built. These will be distinguished as international, postnational, and transnational identity constructions of Europe. Three stories can be related to these model identities. They are used to make sense of these constructions and provide the collective resonance that can absorb ? ating identi? cations in Europe. international identity constructions make use of the spot of the jean Monnet success story. Postnational identity constructions follow the plot of And they will live in wild pansy together forever. Transnational identity constructions ? nally work with the plot of a broker Europe. 16 These three stories provide narratives with which different models of networks of social relations, i. e. different types of societies, can be produced and reproduced. These elements are organized in a speci? c sequence which gives narrative meaning to these elements.Thus identities can be study as being more than a series of identi? cations with a market, a polity or a culture they can be analyzed as a speci? c sequential pattern of organizing such identi? cations into a coherent whole which is a story. Models of Collective Identities in Europe The ? rst model story links national stories directly to a international story. National stories become part of a network of stories which has a star structure national stories are linked to a centre which constitutes the connection between national stories via this centre, without direct links between the units of this narrative network.It is only via the centre that the national identities are integrated into a higher one. This does not require direct links between the Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity national stories. The meaning of national stories is interdependent upon their relationship to the centre the closer to the centre, the more it provides elements of an emerging European story the further from the centre, the more such elements become irrelevant. Thus there is permanent campaign going on in which the link to the emergin g story is contested.This particular network structure can be called a supranational story since it relies on the emergence of a distinct story of something that is decoupled from national stories. This supranational story is the becoming story of Europe which so far has only a brief history (60 years). It can be all-encompassing by adding precursors, either in the twenties of the last century, or in the course of the nineteenth century. Sites for constructing such a centre-oriented network are specially Brussels and Strasbourg. The Council of Europe is trying to tell such a supranational story, de? ing the boundaries of Europe in a larger perspective than a more closed EU story does. Rituals of enacting this EU story are European summits, European days, giving meaning to Europes ? ag and anthem. A case for such a supranational story is the story of Jean Monnet as the founding father of United Europe, which can have a more ef? ciency-oriented version, a version tending towards som e idea of example and political excellence of European politics, or a version of a common European culture that is defended and kept by European institutions. as well counter-narratives add to this supranational story.The critique of an Empire Europe, mobilizations against Fortress Europe or the general critique of Brussels as a site of effrontery of power contribute to the making of a supranational story of Europe. The second model story is based on a particular mode of linking national stories. National stories are networked through direct links which do not crystallize around a centre. European identity appears as a network of national networks. This emerging network minimizes the distances between the split of the network (maximizing its geodetic distances) and follows the pattern of a cantonment structure.This clique network structure produces postnational identity as its control project. Postnational identity is the added value of merging national stories into shared stor ies. The distances between the national stories in Europe vary, yet their interaction forces them to position themselves in relation to other national stories without ending up in isolation from some or all of these other stories. The story that is told about Europe is then a story in which the relations between national stories and their actors are at stake.Winners and losers, heroes and perpetrators of the recent past and of the present are related, change position and try to ? nd a new position in an emerging European script. Germans and Austrians are stired as well as Poles or Hungarians Italians and French have to struggle to position their heroes in this emerging postnational script. Euro-scepticism and Euro-af? rmativism spread across the national heroes. Euroscepticism is no longer connected only to the English and af? rmativism is no longer the humans of the Germans.The emerging story turns into a postnational story where national actors try to relate their proper stories to those of the others by looking for a position in a postnational plot in Europe. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 439 440 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) Sites for staging this star-structured network are WWII rituals and Holocaust rituals where a European story is enacted. European ? lm rituals or European association football games provide an analogous opportunity to de? ne a social relation between Europeans that makes narrative sense beyond the nation.A case for such a postnational identity is retelling the story of the winners of WWII by including the losers. Another case is the Holocaust, a traumatic story linking victims and perpetrators across nations. It also appears in counternarratives of a Eurosceptic Europe which mobilizes the losers of Europeanization across national boundaries in Europe in favour of the nation as the exclusive site for solidarity. 17 The third model story can be identi? ed which describes Europe as a site in which cultural differences cut across national differences, thus creating a different structure of cleavages among the people in Europe.This third model is based on networks of groups interacting across national borders and creating a unity out of an increasing diversity of national and non-national elements. This network structure differs from the others in the sense that it does not provide direct interactive links between its parts, yet produces an ordered network of social relations. It is a network integrated by the structural par of the positions of groups of actors. Indigenous and immigrant and migrating people are related to each other as claiming or occupying structurally equivalent positions in an emerging European society.Such a transnational story fosters the narrative of hybridity, the equal participation in a diversity of cultures in Europe. Sites for such transnational relations fostering hybrid collective identities are particular places in Europe wher e hybridity has been lived for some time. typefaces are the commemoration of hybrid cultures in Southern Spain, Southern Italy, Sicily and Turkey or Europe or the commemoration of Europes Abrahamic past fostered by the re-entry of the Islamic and the Jewish story into Europes Christian story.Stories of hybrid Europe are narrated as model cases for a Europe where distinct religious traditions succeeded in living together in peace and reciprocal enrichment. The Jewish story is seen as an instance of brokerage between Europe and the Other of Europe in a way similar to the Islamic story which can be seen as a bridge between Europe and the Other of Europe. There exist also counter-narratives of a transnational Europe which is tribal Europe, the idea of a Europe based on primordial ties that precede concrete interaction ties and which claim structural equivalence on the basis of some constructed common origin.Such hybrid constructions reposition Europe and its Other in a way that transg resses the basic assumptions of the ? rst two models. The ? rst two models still assume a core substance de? ning Europe that is realized in social relations of communication and understanding. The third model provides a model story in which cleavages and unbridgeable differences undermine the search for a coherent good story, for the simple story plot of a good Europe. Yet there is still a story to tell, i. e. the story of the art of living together. This art requires competent re? xive actors, kind in demanding performances which do not presuppose understanding but take understanding as a rare and happy moment in a series of permanent misunderstandings. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity Transnational identity as a project of control of networks of social relations that engage in permanent crossovers is embedded in a story which makes itself the object of a story it is re? exive storytelling. It combi nes many and different stories and mixes them in an unforeseeable way.Europe provides a site for such re? exive storytelling which is increasingly used for hybrid constructions a European Islam, a European Jewry, a European Christianity, a European secularism and universalism which emerge from the encounter and hybridization of traditions and cultures inside and outside Europe. Europe in this sense is an experimental site for a collective identity that differs in all respects from historical experience. European Identity as a Case of Transnational Identity Construction Europe has more than one story.At the same time, this society has developed a discourse about itself in which it thematizes itself stating that it has so many stories that bind and separate. Thus, European society is an ideal case for perusing the link between increasing complexity and the search for narrative bonds. How are these stories combined? Is there a story of the stories, a meta-story to tell in Europe? A me ta-story that might gain hegemonic status as the national story did in the modern nation-state. This question cannot be answered in an af? rmative way.The answer has to be decomposed into the sequential ordering of these stories and their points of contact. We have to look at the temporal dimension of the use of this tool-kit in which some boundaries of what constitutes Europe have been go forth aside, patch others have gained in prominence and older ones have been reframed. We have to deal with a dynamic process that accompanies the construction of Europe as a political community from its beginning. The creation of a narrative network is a process exhibiting sequential patterns and generating constraints on reproducing the social relations created so far.In this sense, collective identity is a process of creating a space of social relations which never ends. Yet it is possible for the analytical observer to block the future of such processes in a thought experiment and describe i n which sense the future to come can be ? xed. The idea of the nation has succeeded in blocking the future of collective identity construction for a long time. The temptation to ? x it forever has ended in a series of national civil wars and ethnic cleansings which undermined this process of telling one story with a ? xed end.The process of creating a collective identity in Europe in the same vein would end up in two analogous bottlenecks the ? rst is that it would be premature to block the process of organizing social relations in terms of one collective identity because there are many collective identities that are used to structure an unsettled space of social relations the second is that blocking the future might in principle be counter-productive since it would create high identitarian con? icts over which boundary has to be recognized and which not. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 41 442 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) When we block the making of a European story, then we see something that is more arti? cial than any of those that have managed to provide the narrative network for social relations such as ideas of nation, empire, lineage or caste. Terms such as hybrid identity are fashionable and point to the temporary and unstable mix of different stories controlling the boundaries of a space of communication. Europe has a moving boundary which depends on the story we mobilize. To give antecedence to the political story is an unwarranted move.Political identities compete with other stories. The emerging competitor of political and cultural stories in the debate on the link between politics and religion is an indicator of a moving link. The link between the economic story and the cultural story is equally dynamic as the ? ghts about a neo-liberal economy and social economy show (Boltanski and Chiapello, 1999). A European narrative is a dynamic combination of different stories that will produce a dyn amic form of collective identity, i. e. favour a permanent process of constructing and reconstructing a European identity.To reduce it to a liberal or a cosmopolitan or a traumatic identity misses the sudden property of their parallel existence. This is still a highly abstract conclusion yet it points to the basically temporal character of identity constructions which vary in terms of their openness toward the future. Collective identities emerging from such processes are increasingly multidimensional and multilayered. Stories by which identities are constructed do not simply co-exist but rather in? uence each other and produce emergent properties through multiple forms of recombination.Evolutionary theory proposes recombination as a result of processes of generating new elements (stories) and their selection in the course of building up social relations among human beings. It, however, has nothing to say on how such recombination works. This is an open space that is to be ? lled. Theoretically speaking, we have to expect structural restrictions and opportunities for stories to combine or to separate. Instead of identifying collective identities as entities, we should see identities as evolutionary products of processes in which stories are combined and recombined.Europe is an ideal case for such a theoretical perspective Europe produces stories about itself in the permanent confrontation with stories about the Other which again produces effects in the Other who produces his own stories by looking at the ? rst as the Other (the case in point is the reciprocal storytelling that takes place between Europe and Turkey or Europe and Russia). Such reciprocal storytelling produces shifting identities in which permanent identity revolution takes place. These processes can be halted by political identities with the risk of entering into identitarian struggles with cultural identities.They can be halted by cultural identities with the risk of entering into con? ict w ith political identities. And economic identities can try to block the future while provoking political and cultural identities. What could emerge is a story of con? icting stories, a re? exive meta-story in which we tell each other about the futile attempts to block the future. But this is mere speculation. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity ConclusionThe debate on European collective identity so far has not been able to establish a systematic link between the forms of collective identity constructions and the networks of social relations in which this process is embedded. Thus, theorizing European identity has lost its empirical foundation. This loss has been compensated for in two ways by a thin theoretical strategy which is to reduce the issue of collective identity to the issue of the extent of identi? cation with Europe, or by a impenetrable theoretical strategy which uses nation-building as the m odel for collective identity construction in Europe.The thin strategy does not tackle collective identity constructions since identi? cations are elements of collective identity construction, but not its organizing core. The thick strategy assumes that Europe will develop in a way analogous to the national story, which is an unwarranted assumption. Variations in public pride or identi? cation with Europe as measured in surveys indicate the resonance of a people to stories that serve for identity construction. A collective identity might produce identi? cations, and thick identities produce a lot of strong identi? cations. But collective identity is not the result of identi? ations, it is rather the object to which identi? cations refer. The explanation of the construction of collective identity must therefore be sought independent of the identi? cations that it produces. The proposal made in this article has been to analyze the construction of collective identities in Europe by look ing at the sites where debates on its identity take place. The market has been mainly devalued and even denounced as a site for a collective identity, in spite of the fact that the success story of the Common Market would have offered a good institutional starting point. 8 The central debate on a European identity focuses on a politically de? ned collective identity, such as the discourse on constitutional patriotism in Europe or on a secular legal culture in Europe such as the one represented in the Council of Europe. However, the cultural symbols mobilized by this Council are universal values that not only the people in Europe share. This reduces boundary controlling effects and undermines the construction of a strong collective identity. Another variant is the claim that an ethical self-understanding is binding those living in the EU together (Kantner, 2006). 9 These arguments are not explanations of processes of identity constructions, but elements in stories providing projects of control of the boundaries of Europe. Thus, we have several sites in which stories transmit that compete for hegemony in the process of collective identity construction in Europe. Its social basis is a society that constitutes itself in imbrication circles. These networks no longer coincide as they do in the national situation. Thus, the social embedding of identity constructions poses a new theoretical problem the idea of a society that consists of partially overlapping networks of people.Each of these networks has its own stories that compete to represent each of these networks. This produces a dynamic of identity construction which needs analytical translation and theoretical explanation. Analytically we have to understand the complex interplay of many stories circulate in partially overlapping networks. And we have to identify Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 443 444 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) when and where stories can be linked with other stories, by identifying the structural restrictions and opportunities for the connectivity of stories.Thus, we can take seriously the idea of Europe as a multilayered society of partially overlapping networks in which a ring of stories is circulating and a new story of stories can be created and narrated. For the time being, we have to reckon with a plurality of projects of collective identities in Europe which vary in their combination in time. This plurality might turn out to be an advantage instead of imposing a hegemonic grand narrative, Europe can live with a diversity of stories that need only one property to offer nodes as docking stations for other stories.Thus storytelling in Europe will be an open process, capable of taking up new stories without ingest them. The only criterion that counts is to be able to continue to tell a story. Identity is a contested concept this was the observation at the beginning. The end of the theoretical story is th e observation that Europe is a space with contested stories and that it is through contestation that stories that bind can be told. In this space the links between stories will multiply and connect many other stories that so far nobody considered to be part of Europe.The emergence of a new society in Europe and the temporary blocking of its future in terms of constructing a plurality of European collective identities form the phenomenon that we have to understand. This makes the analysis of a European identity a demanding theoretical, methodological and empirical task. The conclusions to be drawn from the foregoing discussion are recipes for further research. For the moment I see four such proposals for organizing research on collective identity in the context of Europe and for generalizing from this context to some model of collective identity beyond the nation Identifying sites and stories of the narrative network that emerges in Europe. Identifying the story structure organizi ng this narrative network. Describing this narrative network as a project of control of social relations (and its boundaries) in Europe. Explaining the round points in the evolution of the narrative network by the social relations between people, regions, civil society organizations, economic organizations and ? nally nation-states that emerge in the course of Europeanization. By applying these proposals we do not need psychological assumptions such as a minimum of identi? ations with Europe in order to see identity in Europe and explain its emergence and evolution. If there is a collective identity, then identi? cation will come more or less, depending on social structures that develop in the emerging society in Europe. Notes 1 I leave aside the idea of humankind as an identity construction beyond the nation since it leads to the other pole of the identity of individuals. Humankind is the sum of such individuals. Whether the idea of cosmopolitan identity goes beyond this aggregat e notion of individual identity has to be seen. Downloaded from est. agepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity 2 Forms of identity beyond the individual are another theme which is raised in the context of debates on subjectivity. 3 The authors cite Tilly (1995), Somers (1994, 1995) and Calhoun (1994). 4 This also implies an argument against psychological theories that see collective identity as something that people need to identify with. I rather take a Durkheimian view seeing collective identity as a social fact imposed upon us and forcing u

French and Indian War DBQ Essay

For gayy years, throughout the 1600s and early part of the 1700s, the British move a policy of salutary neglect towarfared its colonies. Britain en biteed a series of glide Laws, tho these attempts to regulate trade were minimally enforced. The colonists had a generally complaisant attitude toward the British overall since they racketed the benefits of an imperial kinship without accompanying restrictions. However, this relationship was dramatically altered by the French and Indian state of war. The course of the war itself significantly affected the political and ideological relationship of the colonists to their mother country, in as much as the colonists found the British imposition of restrictions and its ranked army to be repulsive to liberty, bandage the British precept the ingest for greater imperial condition. However, it was the economic aftermath of the war, which left British with a staggering war debt and a need to raise new compound taxations that militat ed most heavily against colonial cooperation with the British.The French and Indian War, called the Seven long time War in Europe, had its antecedents in the settlement of the French and the British in the Ohio Valley, region of the American continent. Both the French and British sought-after(a) to control lands in the region, while Native Americans resisted the attempts of both to settle. The Indians for the most part played take away of both sides to maintain an uneasy balance of power, besides whiz congregation eventually decided to grant trading concessions to the British, giving England greater approach shot to the interior of the continent. France saw this as a threat to its own territories and summarily constructed forts of defense, like Fort Duquesne. The British followed suit, building forts of their own. One such labour was to build Fort Necessity near Fort Duquesne, which George capital of the United States led. At the fort, however, Washington became embroiled in a conflict with the French forces on that point he was captured and forced to surrender. Thus began the French and Indian War.The colonists had a largely friendly and amicable attitude toward the British at the outset. For example, General Washington praised the British General Braddock in a 1755 letter a man of abilities and experience (Doc. C). The long British policy of salutary neglect allowed the colonists to enjoy the benefits of trade with and protection from the British without the discomfort to frBigid control. However, this changed as the war progressed. In the second stage of the French and Indian War, beginning in 1756, Britain sought to impose greater control on the colonial war effort. British Prime Minister William Pitt tried to control the contact of the compacting himself, impressing (forcibly enlisting) colonists to fight and imposing other restrictions on colonial freedom. A colonial interchangeier, for example, wrote in 1759 of how he was unlikely to get liquo r or clothing and of how he was subject to martial law. He protested that he, too, was a man of English blood, but that he was not afforded the Englishmans liberty (Doc. D).This political control by Britain led to riots and colonial resistance pretty soon, the consequences of it overwhelmed any befits it may attain offered, and William Pitt was forced to back down. However, for the rest of the war, the political legacy of repression remained in colonial minds and produced hostility to British control. Another ideological aspect of the interaction amidst Britain and its colonies besidesed this hostility. The colonists themselves were organized into voluntary units of men fighting with relative equality. The British, meanwhile, were organized into hierarchical divisions in which rigid order was maintained. The Massachusetts soldier who protested political repression overly noted this when he observed that the British troops are but little better than slaves to their officers (Doc . D).This ideological idea of a righteous American army together with a rigid British unrivaled gain augmented the colonial resistance to British oppression. The colonists not exclusively saw British political interference in their affairs as outlawed they also resented British hierarchy. The British, however, took from the war an entirely different perspective. The colonists may become seen themselves as great aid in the struggle one discussion by Reverend Thomas Bernard in 1763 portrayed New England as the greated helper of Britain in the effort. However, the British saw the colonists as lazy and unhelpful. England was supercharge outraged by the fact that some American merchants had actually sold supplies to the French West Indies during the war against France. The political and ideological lessons learned by the British, therefore, were that the colonists are too independent and must be made to act properly. The conlusion, then, was that greater imperial control was necess ary.While political and ideological differences may have collapsed to the change from a friendly relationship to a opponent one, economics was a major factor as well. The 1763 Treaty of capital of France gave Britain all of Frances territory east of the Mississippi, except Canada (Doc. A). This doubled the size of the British Empire and augmented the necessity of stationing British troops on the border to protect against Indian raids. This was at the same(p) time that Britain set about a staggering war debt from the seven years of fighting. Yet, the colonists largely refused to contribute to a war fought for their own defense. A 1763 British Order in Council found that the revenue from the colonies couldnt even pay a twenty-five percent of the cost of collecting it. It also reported that neglect, connivance, and fraud had hampered revenue ingathering in a time of greatest need (Doc. F).The British, thence, saw it as justified to seek new sources of revenue from the colonies. The principle vehicle for doing so was the 1765 Stamp Act, part of Prime Minister Greenvilles program to observe greater control over the colonies. The Act required that all typography products from wills and deeds to playing cards have a stamp on them. This was the first direct tax (a tax paid outright, rather than an verificatory one incorporated into the full price of a good) imposed by Britain. All previous taxes could be construed by the colonists as ones imposed by Britain to regulate commerce. However, this act could not be interpreted that way it could only be seen as an unequivocal attempt by Britain to raise revenue. This arouse outrage from colonists all over. Lawyers and influential members of society were affected newspaper publishers, one of the most influential groups on public opinion, were outraged by the tax.The public address system Journal even announced that it would expire because of the dreadful tax (Doc H). A Stamp Act Congress was formed to resist the revenue increase, while the Sons of Liberty terrorized collection agents. Such colonial protests continued as Britain further attempted to impose control, until these events eventually produced the American Revolution. The French and Indian War transformed relations betwixt the colonies and Britain from one of friendly respect to one of hostile distrust. During the course of the war, political repression by Britain and ideological opposition to Britains hierarchical army produced the seed of American protest at the same time, Britain saw the necessity of imposing greater control on its resentful colonies.The economic results of the war, however, were even more disastrous. The costs of the fighting and protection of a newly enlarged territory forced Britain to impose new revenue like the 1765 Stamp Act so the colonists would pay their own share. However, the colonists piercingly resented this unequivocal British attempt to raise revenue without the consent of their colonial assem blies. In this way, the French and Indian War soured the rapport between Britain and its colonies that eventually produced the American Revolution.

Ingvar Kampradi: Wealthy Man, Frugal Man, Entrepreneur Extraordinair

Introduction Ingvar Kamprad, Swedish born citizen and founder and former chief operating officer of Ingvar Kamprad Elmtaryd and Agunnaryd or ruin cognise as IKEA. Kamprad realized a one of a kind furniture disperseicipation that has become the largest furniture store in the world. The bizarreness is because they confederacy specializes in e very matter cosmos able to be broken down and shipped, from furniture to the straight off famous mobile kitchens- could be packed in flat, stackable boxes (Nelson and Quick, 2011-438). His manner of running the federation is based on creativity, labored hold up and being scotch in his own life as well as the centering he runs his company.So frugal that when employees travel they must sh be hotel rooms, a insurance not carried in any major company. The philosophies that he has developed for IKEA are distinctive and have provided a successful way of being very profitable. Kamprads leadership characteristics have made him a very fl ush entrepreneur and admirable person nevertheless with a dark other(prenominal). A past that he does not deny but states that he has erudite from this and according to some has a meaning to send to other that carries salient wisdom. Issues Addressed Kamprads company IKEA has been on the rise along with that his individualized problems also increased.Alcoholism, his history of Nazi affiliation, and store openings where people died were his biggest problems. Even during his individual(prenominal) problems he never failed to provide creativity for IKEA and to make veritable the company was on the right track. He forever and a day found a way to lead his company in the direction to be successful despite his personal life. His appreciation for what it teachs to be successful and the knowledge that he realizes there are no guarantees to economic success tomorrow apart from hard work (Nelson and Quick, 2011-438). Answering the Questions 1. Kamprad is the manager of IKEA, while he is not the CEO he still continues to run the company. He is always trying to create any new ideas, and develop philosophies to make the company better for their customers and employees. Kamprad is a leader because he does not sit around pointing fingers and collecting money, but he is out there working to make IKEA a better company every chance he can. Continuing his innovative efforts so the company can be ne of a kind and render to the people and through all his personal problems and personal achieve workforcets the company was always placed at the top of the list he likes to say that IKEA is his after part child (Nelson and Quick, 2011-438). 2. Kamprad encouraged a level of followership that has made IKEA a unique company. This followership that he created makes people call for to work for IKEA and create new ideas. His philosophies are exceptional and out of the box his claims of we dare to do it a contrasting way (Nelson and Quick, 2011-438) Kamprad says about IKEA.The way he created IKEA and the way he makes sure the company draws people into being involved. People not only want to shop at his stores, but they want to be a part of the company anyway they can. 3. Kamprad does not want his employees to be sheep or yes men but effective active followers that are independent deprecative thinkers. Some of Kamprads leadership characteristics are directive, supportive, participative and achievement oriented (Nelson and Quick, 2011- 413). consort to the leadership grid Kamprad is deep in the 9, 1 quadrant which is Authority-Compliance heed efficiency in operations results from arranging conditions of work in such a way that human elements interfere to a minimum course (Nelson and Quick, 2011- 409). 4. Leadership of Kamprad Transactional uses effort for reward because how much effort employees put into the company, way of life how much reward they or the company will receive. Transformational motivates his people to work for the prosperity of th e company and not just for themselves. His vision about IKEA helps adhesion his followers/ employees to IKEA. He is charismatic focusing on creating a message with his philosophies and connecting with his followers emotionally. Authentic role model towards the people due to his exploitation ingenuity and philosophies. 5. Key leadership lessons that can be observed by Kamprads experiences a. Creativity & uniqueness b. Hard manual work c. name hard but work smart d. Delegate less and energise more involved, do not be afraid to be different, and comprehend to my people. Conclusions Ingvar Kamprad developed very young starting his business selling matches and cards from his bicycle and later expanding his business to elling fish, Christmas decorations and pens and pencils. This small town boy from went on to build a company from a cash reward given over to him by his father for doing well in academics, Ingvar Kamprad built a company that generated more than $33 billion in reven ue and nearly $4 billion in net income in 2011 (http//topics. bloomberg. com/ingvar-kamprad/). He was known as a very frugal man that had a dark past but he learned from his past explaining that his Nazi affiliations where the greatest drift of his life. He said this because while he was not proud of being affiliated with this organization he learned a lot from being part of it.He learned to not waist anything, do not take money for granted and keep in common the one thing all rich people have which is to leave beneath your means. ? References Bloomberg. Bloomber. com, http//topics. bloomberg. com/ingvar-kamprad/ worldwide Business leaders. http//www. globalbusinessleaders. org/WebPage/LeaderBio. aspx? leaderCd=l005&levelcd=c03r045 Nelson, D. & Campbell-Quick, J. , (2011). Organizational Behavior Science, the Real World and You. (7th ed. ). Canada South-Western Cengage Learning. Pace, Joe. The Workplace at once and Tomorrow. The Professional Development Series, Book One.

Jazz and Poetry Essay

There are many contrary types of melody in the world, and individually one is different because of certain signs that help to make that genre stick up apart from all the differents. unrivalled of these genres is bop. Jazz is a type of unison that was created mainly by black Americans during the early twentieth one C, and is a conspiracy of American and African tribal music.There are many different peculiaritys that plume Jazz apart from every other kind of music, nevertheless in that respect are three main distinctions the runner is its particular cabal of rhythm, melody and harmony, second is the subtle differences that make every Jazz actor almost instantly recognizable and finally is the way that Jazz players act and react with their surroundings, they do not simply play a designated set of notes.The first characteristic that helps to make Jazz so different from other genres of music is the rhythm, melody and harmony. Not barely do these apply to the music of t he Jazz era though, these same rhythms can be found in some of the poetry of that time. One of the verses that demonstrates a particular verse is T.S. Eliots The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock. In this Eliot does not stick to a super acid rhyme scheme like some of the more simple poems. He does use end-rhyme, but it does not alternate for every line, sometimes there are two or three lines that have no rhyme amidst two lines that do.It is because of this unorthodox rhyme scheme that his poem relates to the apparently random rhythms of Jazz music. Another poem that shows harmony similar to that of Jazz is The Tropics in New York by Claude McKay. In this he uses a simple end-rhyme scheme, and alternates with each line. But the way he has written the poem it seems to scarper endlessly, not causing the mind to drift or to rifle confused. These are only two out of the thousands of poems that display the first characteristic of Jazz music.The next attribute of Jazz music is the sub tle differences that musicians would ramble in that would make each player distinguishable from the next. One poet who demo this quality greatly was Langston Hughes. Hughes was one of the most prolific and successful black poets of the 1920s.In each one of his poems he would display his great self-exaltation for his heritage, as well as his displeasure with the onerousness he witnessed. One of his poems that greatly illustrates this quality is Refugee in America.In this poem he speaks of sweet and wonderful talking to like Freedom, and how he thinks active it every day. He goes on to say that there are words like Liberty that nearly make him cry.This shows his great resentment of the oppression of his race. Another one of his poems that shows his strong pride for his heritage is The Negro Speaks of Rivers. In this poem Hughes illustrates how his race has been around for thousands of years and has known rivers all across the globe. By this he is stating that his race has been everywhere and will continue to last, in force(p) as the rivers of the world. But that is not the last trait that spans across both the music and literature of that era.The final Jazz characteristic which can be found in literature from that time period is the way that the musicians would flow almost randomly byout the music, reacting to the audience, as well as their flock mates, and not simply playing a single, designated set of notes. One of the first manakins that comes to mind is William Carlos Williams The Great Figure.This poem seems to make almost no sense, and have no reason for being written. It is the simple story of a fire truck going through the city on a rainy day. There were not too many styles of music, or literature, which produced poems as seemingly random, yet meaningful as the Jazz era. Another example of this is by the poet Hilda Doolittle, who is actually said to be the creator of the Imagist style of poetry. In Doolittles poem Heat she speaks of a wind th at is coming through to cool down the heat. She says that the fruit will not all in thick air, and that the wind will cut the fruit down in its path.Like previously stated, the combination of rhythm and melody, the ability to distinguish between Jazz musicians and the seemingly random flow of music are only three attributes of Jazz. These is an entire list of things that can be said astir(predicate) Jazz that sets it apart from all other genres of music. But these three characteristic go to show how the Jazz music of the early twentieth century was very similar to the poetry and literature of that era.

Over-crowded Classes

The background to the registerThere was a shock unvoiced of everyplacecrowded homees in public first in pipe downs of Mangaung, due to an high residents as it is in primeval part of the obligation Free State. integrity section can be having over forty learners, and this s pricks the learnedness subroutine to be ineffective and difficult. This difficult ca employments a major poor movement in the coach academics as to whiz in much(prenominal)(prenominal) a huge number. In such(prenominal) large kindes, the instructor can non concentrate on all learners in shed light on for attentionThe statement of the Research problemThere was a shocking problem of over-crowded single outes in public first quill aims of Mangaung, due to an elevated community as it is in central part of the province Free State. One class can be having over forty learners, and this get outs the attainment process to be ineffective and difficult. A class can drop more than or less fifty le arners and effective learning become solid. This devastating problem make the performance of learners to drop, the instructor can non concentrate on all learners in class for attention.Research questions1. Does overpopulation in initiate demand learners academic performance? 2. What ar the problems both teachers and learners face in overcrowded groomroom in breeding and learning process in primary domesticates of Mangaung district? 3. Does overpopulation affect the efficiency of teachers in the process of article of belief? 4. Howdoes the size of class influence in learners air? 5. What atomic number 18 the solutions to the problems both teachers and learners face in over-crowded classrooms in a primary? 6. Is classroom counselling possible in overcrowded classrooms?The train of the seeThe general heading of this hire is to inspect the effect of overcrowded classrooms on the academic performance of learners in public primary schools.The purpose of the take up is b esides to disclose the bushel of classroom overpopulation on performance of learners academicallyTo inspect factors affecting teachers to founder classroom managementThe significance of the canvasThis study is very important to supply the school management with information to recognize the challenges faced by teachers and learners in overpopulated classes. This study volition make known the extent to which overpopulated has bear upon learners academic performance. It also tells the separate issues affecting learners performance. In addition, this study ordain help the school leaders and teachers to propose procedures to reduce the effect of overcrowding in public primary schools. The result of the study resign help teachers of primary schools to understand the intersection of over-crowding in classes, and to reclaim out ways of how to teach the class of more number than the required. The study will deliver the goods support for additive look into in education and it wil l be in the outflank sign of the learners, teachers, and government.Definition of key termsAcademicWord used to describe things that related to the work through in schools, colleges and universities.Over-crowdedFull accommodation or a dummy beyond what is common or comfortableClassroomA building constructed for organizing school boors for learningClassroom managementThe essential part of the teaching and learning process, the methods, strategies and skills teachers use to maintain classroom environment.Delimitation of the studyThis study is performing in Mangaung district at Botshabelo where dickens primary schools will select a eccentric person study. The primary schools participating atomic number 18Nthabiseng Primary School and Pe coarse primary school who have more over-crowded classrooms.REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATUREIntroductionMost of South African schools leading difficult is overcrowded classrooms. This affects the learners performance and teachers motivation as hygie nic. There is a need to look onto how hard it is for both learners and teachers to cooperate and make it through in this tough situation.it is unrealizable to learn and teach when thither are many learners and bingle teacher in class. The teachers bonk every day (Davis, 2013).Teaching challenges in overcrowded classroomsOverpopulation in classrooms affect learners as much as it affects teachers, in long run this will affect the department of education as majority of learners academic achievements will drop. Teaching in overcrowded classrooms face big challenges of having to create a nut-bearing learning environment for learners. De Corby, 2005 states that physical teaching teachers are challenged in amiable in important physical activities and because of overcrowded classrooms this is difficult for them.Most of the subject such as life orientation and sciences in terms of practical produce a lot due to the class size, point the laboratory is not available. This is mostly exp erienced in South African schools. For example, the study of guardian Africa Network found that some schools in the Eastern Cape have more than 120 packed in unrivaled classroom into one classroom and teachers are obliged to present lessons with their backs pressed up against the b escape dis function panel (Guardian Africa Network, 2013). During the practical experience I acquired from the Central University of Technology, I noticed that in Free State this problem is huge. Having to teach more than 50 learners for 30 minutes per period is not enough.Some of the problems are small space and no resources and equipment needed in some subjects. Teachers cannot practice a assortment of methods, such as higher-order questioning methods and active learning methods due to insufficiency of space. The science teachers cannot perform the practical, learners do not concentrate, and field of honor is not there due to the number. In fact, teachers are effectively exceptional to the chalk an d talk instructional method (Opoku-Asare et al., 2014128).This also give teachers challenge in terms of how to intermit the curriculum, resulting in teachers existence guided by the books and work schedule or weekly plan but not teaching for the learners to understand. The teachers give over less date to instruction and give learners lot of notes on the board resulting in learners not even create verbally those notes because of their number the teacher cannot even tell who participate and who does not. Tasks such as checking presence of learners, and managing their performance issuance lot of time of content and lessons.Time teachers give to individual students is affected by class size as well as the well-disposed egotism-motivation among students. The teachers are challenged a lot because as much as they insufficiency to help all learners, it is impossible and very sad. Class sizes are a problem in the Free State and even present problems to student teachers in conducting learners centered lesson methods. Large class size gives practicing teachers solitary(prenominal) one option of teaching style that is convenient that requires learners to be passive recipients of familiarity during lessons. This does not allow for learner teachers to interaction (Mtika, 2010). The quality of learning and teaching for them is lost and this can emotionally drain them, leaving them with doubts of continuing the teaching career.There is a lot of noise in large classes this being an outcome of an increasing number of learners in the classroom. Noisy classrooms translate to the disobligeion, make it more difficult for learners to learn and for teachers to teach. No concentration in class and more time wasted trying to make learners keep block off instead of teaching.There is creation of stress for teachers making it difficult for them to turn the learning needs of learners (Oliver, 2006). This creates a hurt on the bond amongst the teacher and the learner. Most o f the time spent is at school than at home, teachers supposed to know the learners and their ability more than their biological parents do and the lack of bond leads to problems and disruptions in the classroom.This can create a negative learning environment for the teacher and learner. Behavioral problems, absenteeism and high unsuccessful person rates are experiences in overcrowded classrooms (Gibbs Jenkins, 1992). Gibbs and Jenkins (1992) indicate that dealing with overcrowded classrooms leads to high teacher absenteeism, teacher acedia and teacher stress. The research that is presenting an international perspective has shown that teachers internationally are finding difficulty in managing overcrowded classrooms.Disciplinary problems in large classesOvercrowding increases classroom issues of discipline. More learners provide more opportunities provided for personal conflicts, tension and general disruptive behavior. Even the trump out teacher or the principal cannot control t he overcrowded classroom effectively , teachers find themselves pretermiting more time to manage the class that they spend the time to teach. It is free for learners to misbehave in large classes because teachers cannot keep their eyes on one person the whole time.Most of troublesome learners comes from overcrowded classerooms, troubles such as bullying, disrespecting and violence. Teachers are involved in failure to maintain classroom management by coming to class with no lesson plan. This learners most of them have problems from away classroom that make them to misbehave.According to Mustafa (2014) more number of learners in classroom the more misbehavior increase and classroom management become difficult. somatic punishment is not legal in South Africa. It is not easy for teachers and principals to discipline the learners and give the penalties. Every doing is according to the laws no matter how long it will take.The permissions available to the disciplining learners are very few. Beyond talking to learners as their teacher, and short of transferring or expelling them, disciplinarians hold students out of class, contact their parents, or enforce one to five day suspensions. Official responses to misbehavior are, thus, limited in training to either a simple reproof, holding the learner in the office until the next class period, or a suspension, this is still not enough for every minute a learner spend outside is loss of education.The most easily front runners problems for suspension are class troubles, failure to attend classes, disrespect, leaving the school during school time. The other common types of disciplinary problems found mostly in schools as mentioned by Donnelly (2000) are fights, and disbelief of the organization.McManus (1995) lists several types of misbehaviorsthat make the work of pedagogs difficult. These include repeatedly asking to go to the toilet Missing lessons, absconding Smoking in the toilets displace past the educator learners playing with matches in class and making barbaric remarks to the teacher when the teacher stops them. The noisewhen the learner is supposed to be writing this happen a lot when learners are writing formal tasks and it distract other learners who are concentrating.Other misbehavior includes talking while the teacher is talking, failing to raise hand before talking, Being abusive to the educator fighting in class Chasing one another around the classroom Packing up advance(prenominal), as if to leave while the teacher is quick with the lesson. This thing of taking the educators property without the permission is bad because it is associated with stealing. The mentality of article of clothing private clothes and not the school uniform especially during pass seasons is one of the misbehavior that teachers and principal deal with all the time. Leaving class early and Commenting of wanting to go home while the teacher is agile is what most of the learners always do and it really ir ritate the teacher and make other learners to lose focus.The absence of parents on their childrens school life play a huge part in the discipline of learners, this starts as early as in primary school level. Learners are coming to school with bad attitudes towards life and school. Lot parents are not involved in the education of their children, they do not even check the books, they do not attend parents meetings, and these cause poor results, and learners dodging school. Louw and Barnes (2003) clarify that there is no problem child, there are only problem parents, those learners who behave hard at school are not taught respect at home. Rossouw (2003) regards the failure in discipline in most schools as originating from the communities rather than from schools. What causes the parents of learners to be absent in their school life is that, they are single parents at home and having lack of parental dominance over the house.Children who are walk and playing in croups influence each other in the discipline and misbehavior. These learners increase the problems of discipline negativelyThese groups effects on what are the child principles, what he or she knows, and learns. The amount of this influence depends on other situations such as, age and personality of children in the group and the nature of the group its self (Harris, 1998 Hartup, 1983). There are no doubts that the peer pressure and groups affect the aupport the fruit problem of youth behavior. According to Seita, Mitchell and Tobin (1996) When the family and loved ones of the children are absent in their lives, someone will play their part for them and advice the child.MethodologyResearch methodologyThe study is descriptive in nature. It is an attempt to investigate the problems faced by the teachers in overcrowded classes and suggested some measures to settle these problems.Research designThe research captures the structure of case study. Case study is helping in making the results more vigorous, wort h natural consideration and context. Teachers are able to elaborate further in where the how and why questions are discovering. For this study, the case study is to search a specific group of teachers, in two public overcrowded schools in order to explore their experience in overcrowded classrooms.The research instrumentsThe study is developing appropriate tools for the collection and analysis of necessary entropy. conclude ended questionnaires that are unstructured for teachers.The population and samplingPopulationThe population of the study include two government schools. Ten teachers of different gender and age are part of the research.The sampleThere are ten participants in the study and two classrooms are going to be part of contemplation. Five teachers are from Nthabiseng Primary school and five teachers are from Pelong primary school. One classroom each school for observations. Both schools are public schools in Mangaung disctrict, Botshabelo, Free State provinceSampling technique / procedurePurposive samplingOnly the teachers of two overcrowded schools are participating. Between those two schools, only teachers who have overcrowded classrooms participate so that the research can gain accurateinformation for the experiences in the overcrowded classrooms.Convenience sampling is used, the teachers who are readily available to contact will participate. The technique participants from Nthabiseng Primary are easily accessible to generate selective information from the schoolData collection proceduresThe research is using the unstructured questionnaire and observation as the methods of data procedure and data generation.Unstructured QuestionnaireIn this study, a questionnaire is a primary data tool for collecting data from the teachers. Open-ended questions for respondents because they impose no restriction and they allow foe any response to questions provided to the respondent. This type of questioner is prefer because the respondent will express them selves freely with no restrictions. The questioner generates personal opinions, beliefs, emotions and experiencesObservationsThe observation method helps in taking the live data from the natural occurring friendly location. The teachers observation will take place while they teach one classroom it is important to observe these classrooms so that they could be included in in sample so that the researcher could also have first-hand experience into what happens in overcrowded classrooms of different schools, observing learner-teacher interaction and the attitudes of both learners and teachers. This is a preferred method as it allows the researcher to gain insight information into teachers experiences with overcrowded classrooms. The substitute(prenominal) data collections are from review of literature, a study of documents and books.Data Analysis TechniquesFor the purpose of this research, there is carefully and thoroughly reading, transcribing, and analysing of data. Thematic analys is will look into the rich description of the data set.Ethical ConsiderationThe principal will receive the compose letter asking the permission to use their school for the research. Explaining the purpose of the study and asking the permission to make class observations while teachers work favorable reception from the Department of Basic Education informing them of the plans to use Nthabiseng primary school and Pelong primary school in this research All the participants as well as the school involved in the study privacy and covert will be with respect.Limitations of the StudyMost of the sources are old therefore the present study literature is limited. The sample size that is the number of teachers is also limited, reason being they must be in classes teaching not answering questioners. During data collections under observation method, the teachers do things different from when the researchers are not there.