Internet The Prevalence Of On Line Grooming Media Essay

cyberspace The Prevalence Of On Line Grooming Media EssayThe mathematical subprogram of this short, provocative piece is to purport to the reader that whilst the Internet presents itself as a rich source of information, it also has the propensity to produce various dangers due to the temperament of communication and identity kink embedded within the World Wide Web. Following Kapousiss (2010) conception of violence as a tool (Kapousis, 2010), I stir that the Internet is also a tool which deviate individuals are able to exploit through and through the construction of multiple identities and personas in an attempt to satisfy deviant fantasies whilst retaining their anonymity. My illustrative example of such dangers is the re cent proliferation of the sexual on-line(a) grooming of children.THE INTERNET AND THE NETWORK SOCIETYWithout question, the Internet is a social phenomenon. The advances in proficient systems which have made its emergence possible are the top of social pro duction, and social production is culturally informed (Castells, 2001a p. 36). The Internet has, in recent years, get down the fabric of our lives, (ibid, p. 1) for work, for personal connection, for social networking, for information, for entertainment, for public services, for politics, and for religion (Castells, 2010 p. 64) as a result, it is becoming an integral tool of commerce, communication, and popular culture (Brignall III and caravan Valey, 2005). However, disdain its universality, a body of literature has emerged criticising the Internet for the de- humansisation of social relationships (Slouka, 1995 Kraut et al., 1998), media reports have linked it with change magnitude levels of loneliness, depression, and social isolation (McKenna and Bargh, 2000), whilst technopessimists have suggested that the Internet is extirpateowed with the capability to end civilisations, cultures, interests, and ethics (Berson, 2003 p. 6). Some commentators, however, have adopted a more o ptimistic standpoint and have defended the Internet arguing that through the performance of images and construction of on-line identities users create a feeling of community (Rheingold, 1993 Turkle, 1995 also see Young, 2008). For the purposes of this paper, I will present the Internet as neither negative nor positive, but rather, as inanimate, a tool which entails various uses (Brignall III and Van Valey, 2005 Shannon, 2008 see also Kapousis, 2010). This position also mirrors that taken by Castells (2010) who suggests that both consumers and producers utilise the Internet as a tool through producers providing content and shaping the web (op cit, p. 382).The Internet forms part of a much larger, significant social change which has occurred everyplace the by three decades the emergence of the network order of magnitude (Castells, 2001a, 2009, 2010 van Dijk, 2006 Hardt and Negri, 2000). It is beyond the scope of this short paper to provide a comprehensive, all-embracing analysis of the network society and all of its components, therefore the emphasis will be positioned upon the changes which have occurred in communicatory practices. The network society emphasises the form and organisation of information processing and exchange, in this sense, we may define the network society as a social formation with an infrastructure of social and media networks enabling its prime mode of organisation at all levels (individual, group/organisational and societal) (van Dijk, 2006 p. 20). It is of the essence(p) to note that in Western societies the individual is increasingly becoming the grassroots unit of the network society, whereas in Eastern societies the basic unit remains to be groups such as the family, community, or work team (ibid, 2006).Within this paradigm the Internet can be defined as an integrated network (Castells, 2010 van Dijk, 2006). It is an integration of both data communication and mass communication (van Dijk, 2006), particularly since the emergenc e of the World Wide Web, which through an flare-up of web pages created by organisations, companies, institutions, and user-created content (i.e. blogs, forums, bulletin-board systems (BBS), and non-profit sites such as Wikipedia.org), which has resulted in the mass communicative character of the Internet becoming increasingly visible (ibid, 2006). Consequently, the Internet has nonplus a medium through which communication is mediated on a daily basis. However, the Internet does not replace existing forms of communication but, rather, it supplements them. In this sense, the Internet adds virgin forms of social capital to traditional ones, these forms may include selecting and contacting complete strangers with particular characteristics, types of online conversation, and the initiative to act both on-line and offline (ibid, p. 169). This is evident in a study undertaken by Katz and Rice (2002) which found that more than a tenth of Americans had established on-line friendships. Si milarly, they found that everyplace ten per cent initiated offline contact of which a significant mass (85%) described positive experiences (Katz and Rice, 2002).IDENTITY ON THE INTERNETLet me right off turn to the issue of identity, particularly identity which is mediated and constructed over the Internet. My suggestion here, is, that the Internet functions as a gateway through which social beings are increasingly enabled to present themselves as they desire (Heyboer, 2007). Thus, any dangers which may result from the construction of anonymous identities which currently exist on the Internet are dependent upon the individuals application of the technology, in this sense, the Internet is a tool (Brignall III and Van Valey, 2005 Shannon, 2008 Kapousis, 2010). The construction of multiple identities, however, is not a crude phenomenon. Writing more than half a century ago, Erving Goffman (1990/1959) suggested that individuals create various faces or masks which are utilize depend ing upon the specific social arrangement. The subsequent experiences which the individual encounters help shape their reality and thus forms who they are. As Goffman (1959) suggestsIn a sense, and in so further as this mask represents the conception we have formed of ourselves the role we are striving to live up to-this mask is our truer self, the self we would like to be. In the end, our conception of our role ploughs second nature and an integral part of our personality. We come into the world as individuals, achieve character, and become persons(p.19)Despite the time period in which Goffman (1959) was writing, and that the identity construction he was theorising primarily occurred in face-to-face interactions, his insights are of high importance in relation to identity construction on the Internet. Of course, a central objection to the notion of self-presentation on the Internet is the importance Goffman places upon the physical setting of interactions, here the setting invol ves piece of furniture, dcor, physical layout, and other background items which supply the scenery and peak props for the spate of human action played out earlier, within, or upon it (ibid, pp. 32 33). However, applying the example of social network sites (SNSs) such as Facebook and MySpace, we can posit, albeit hypothetically, that the furniture is replaced by buttons and applications, the dcor replaced by profile pages with varying designs (particularly for MySpace), the physical layout replaced by (in Facebook), communities and so forth, and stage props may include the instant chat function or messaging system which are embedded within the wider virtual social environment created by SNSs.Thus, it is possible to suggest that the presentation of self has become virtualised. An example of such virtualisation is present in the just about me sections constructed within peoples profile pages. In doing so, users are indulging in a presentation of self whereby they key fruit a succ inct picture of their persona, their self, as they desire however, it is important to note that such personas may be exaggerated or completely constructed. The following quote, extracted from an about me section on social networking site Vampire Freaks tailored for gothic and industrial culture -, provides an eloquent example of such actionsIm a fucking human bitchIm an epic nerd.I have no life.Im awe few and Im just that arrogant to admit it.Im also a vegetarian because eating animals is rude, would you go into someones house and shambles there family because youre hungry? I dont think so.I like cute scene guys who make me smile I love to tease my hair and crawfish my makeup wild. dont like it? I suggest you get off my profile now.I like to get drunk and piss on people, then commit it on the booze (16-year-old girl from Vancouver)Here, a unique form of self-presentation is present. We learn that the person is vegetarian, heterosexual, and abides to arguably widespread teen cu lture through the consumption of drugs and intoxicant without any form of engagement with the actual person, be it virtual, face-to-face, or otherwise.Two studies have demonstrated the prevalence, amongst children and teens, of identity construction on-line. The first, conducted in 2001, found that 24 per cent of teens (12 17 years-old) who have employ IMs (instant messaging) and email or attended chat rooms have constructed a false identity when communicating on-line (Lenhart et al., 2001), this decision was replicated in the second study, undertaken in 2005, which found that 40 per cent of minors (6 17 years-old) indulged in identity play on-line (Livingstone and Bober, 2005). Importantly, a third of teens (33%) describe receiving emails and instant messages off somebody who provided fake information about themselves (Lenhart et al., 2001) and 31 per cent account receiving unwanted sexual messages (Livingstone and Bober, 2005).The findings which have emerged from these studi es suggest that at the consequence of children and other youths use of the Internet is the formation of a culture in which minors are functioning as active social agents and consciously constructing identities on the Internet. Such actions increase the risk of victimisation considerably, the following section will consider the consequences of identity construction in relation to the on-line grooming of children and minors.WANNA CYBER =P?THE INTERNET AND ONLINE GROOMINGOver the past decade, as a result of significant social changes in communicatory practices and the growth in electronic media used to supplement traditional forms of interaction amongst young people, Internet use amongst children and teenagers has grown exponentially. Reports suggest that a considerable number of children and young people (9 17 years-old) now access the Internet (74% at home, 92% at school) on a regular basis (41% daily, 42% weekly) (Livingstone and Bober, 2005), with half of 7 16 year-olds in the united Kingdom having access in their bedrooms (ChildWise, 2010). Meanwhile, in the fall in States, the number of teens (12 17 years-old) going on-line has now reached 93 per cent (Lenhart et al., 2010). Due to this almost present use and increased interaction with the Internet, children are now at a considerably greater risk of deviant individuals who hide behind the electronic affect of deviance (Di Marco and Di Marco, 2003) the Internet provides through retaining the anonymity of an individuals identity. Such risks are evident in the increasing number of global sex crimes which are committed over the Internet, particularly against children and youths (Leander et al., 2008), with as many as three million crimes reportedly occurring in 2006 (Kierkegaard, 2007). Thus, the purpose of this section is to illuminate the sexual on-line grooming of children, an increasing phenomenon (Shannon, 2008), as an unintended consequence (Merton, 1968 1938) of the social changes in our communic atory practices and the influence which technology has imposed upon such changes.The sexual grooming of children is not a new phenomenon, neither is the conceptual use of the term grooming. The term has been in circulation for a considerable period of time, for the most part applied by psychologists in attempts to go bad patterns of deviant sexual behaviour (McAlinden, 2006). However, the area has suffered from a lack of academic inquiry and thus the term grooming has become increasingly ambiguous, particularly in its application (Craven et al., 2006). Nevertheless, the most reliable definition is provided by Gillespie (2002) who defines grooming as the process by which a child is befriended by a would-be maltreater in an attempt to gain the childs confidence and trust, enabling them to get the child to acquiesce to abusive activity (Gillespie, 2002 p. 411). Through avoiding the use of the term paedophile, this definition provides a clarity concerning the rationale of grooming and the systematic stages such processes are most likely to take.Traditionally, the process of sexually grooming a child with the intent to iniquity them would require assuming a position of trust (such as a teacher, caretaker, or lollypop man). From this, the individual would form a relationship with his/or her victim before attempting to engage in sexual activityTraditionally, the sexual grooming of children usually occurred when an adult would assume a position of trust (such as a teacher, caretaker, or lollypop man) and build a relationship with the intention to ultimately abuse the minor (Finkelhor, 1984). However, the Internet has now offered itself as an application through which like-minded individuals can far easily access such social spaces where children hang and convalesce, such as social network sites or chat rooms. As Shannon (2008) eloquently states, (the Internet) has created a new and for the most part completely unmonitored interface between children and adults (Shann on, 2008 p. 160).As has been noted, research in this area is quite limited (McAlinden, 2006 Shannon, 2008). Nevertheless, a comprehensive study conducted by Wolak et al., (2004) incorporating interviews and data from 2,574 law enforcement agencies and 129 minors (13 to 17 years-old) produced important results concerning the study of the on-line grooming of children. The authors found that whilst offenders were frequently deceptive on-line (52%), only a elfin proportion falsified their age by claiming to be over 18 (5%) (Wolak et al., 2004). The study also supported Livingstone and Bober (2005) and Lenhart et als (2001) findings with a considerable minority of minors (9%) claiming to be over 18 (ibid, 2004). The findings demonstrate the dangers which the Internet enables through the formation of a culture whereby children and other youths are, in some cases, presenting themselves as adults without the constraints of the physical world, it is also important to note that this may be d ue to the imposition of a consumerist culture whereby children are sexualised, for example, through the provision of shirts with quotations such as pornstar, lingerie and padded bras (Hennessey, 2010). As David Cameron suggests, Girls are encouraged to dress like women, wear lingerie and worry about what they look like (Cameron, 2010 cited in ibid unpaginated).Important findings also relate to the nature of on-line interactions, for example, in a majority of instances sexual topics were raised and discussed with the victim on-line (83%) and a considerable number engaged in cybersex (20%) (ibid, 2004). Furthermore, a majority of on-line interactions transcended into offline meetings (74%), of which a frightening proportion (93%) resulted in sexual activity between the victim and offender, it is important to note, however, that a majority of sexual activity (79%) was accordant (ibid, 2004).Wolak et als (2004) findings raise considerable concerns regarding the on-line interaction medi ated by minors. It appears, on the basis of the evidence, that children, whilst technically proficient, are culturally un advised of the wide-reaching, unintended, consequences of their actions on-line through the construction of identities and interactions of a sexual nature with older adults. However, put another way, one might suggest that as half of the adult offenders were deceptive (to some extent) a considerable amount of on-line grooming was conducted through the formation of intimate relationships, a hallmark of grooming practices. Indeed, in the study, 50 per cent of victims reported feeling close or in love with their offenders (ibid, 2004). Such evidence leads one to ask the question Is the Internet dangerous, particularly for children? My response to this is that the application of the technology, by both children and adults, provides the risks of victimisation and dangers for children. Thus, it is both a social and a public policy issue that is at hand. We must educate our children about the dangers of on-line communication, ensuring that they are aware and take the appropriate steps necessary to avoid victimisation. In fact, lessons in using the Internet safely are to become a needed part of the curriculum for primary school children, in the United Kingdom, from September 2011 (Fildes, 2010).In conclusion, the Internet has, without doubt, fundamentally transformed the way human beings communicate on a global scale. As Castells (2010) notes the Internet has posted the fastest rate of penetration of any communication medium in history in the United States, the radio took 30 years to reach 60 million people TV reached this level of diffusion in 15 years the Internet did it in just three years after the development of the World Wide Web (op cit, p. 382). It is important that whilst we view the overall changes as positive, we are also aware of the dangers that the Internet poses, especially for one of the most vulnerable cohorts of wider society ou r children.